A few months after Donald Trump gained the 2024 election and proper after he had nominated conspiracy-mongering antivax activist Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. to be Secretary of Well being and Human Companies, I wrote a put up entitled RFK Jr. vs. the NIH: Say goodbye to the best engine of biomedical analysis ever created. I admitted on the time that the title might sound a bit overwrought, however I wished to drive residence the issue of placing RFK Jr. in control of HHS, underneath whose purview the Nationwide Institutes of Well being lie. On the time, even I assumed I may need been exaggerating a bit, however one thing occurred on Friday that makes me assume that, if something, I may need been a bit too delicate, even after a few weeks in the past, when Trump’s minions began canceling NIH examine part conferences and placing a brief pause on journey by NIH staff, even to scientific conferences to current their science. This all occurred occurred earlier than RFK Jr. has even been confirmed. It’s even earlier than Trump’s terrible nominee for NIH Director, the COVID-19 minimizing antivax-adjacent, conspiracy mongering Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, who’s additionally the co-author of the Nice Barrington Declaration, the social Darwinist COVID-19 manifesto to “let ‘er rip” to succeed in “pure herd immunity” (with poorly outlined “centered safety” to guard the aged and susceptible), has began affirmation hearings. Friday night time, it acquired even worse.
Right here we go.
Elon Musk and DOGE slash “oblique prices” (extra formally F&A)
One of many gratifying issues about writing for this weblog is the flexibility to elucidate how seemingly esoteric insurance policies can have an effect on medical analysis and science-based drugs. For instance, earlier than Friday it actually wasn’t on my bingo card to jot down about oblique prices awarded to universities with NIH analysis grants, however go away it to Elon Musk and his “division of presidency effectivity” (DOGE, which isn’t an actual division, therefore my refusal to capitalize its identify) to unilaterally and with out warning slash oblique prices related to NIH analysis grants. I’ll clarify what oblique prices are in a second. For now, simply perceive that oblique prices go to the college to help the final infrastructure essential to hold out NIH-funded analysis, together with grant administration. First, nonetheless, right here’s the announcement, going underneath the seemingly boring title Supplemental Steerage to the 2024 NIH Grants Coverage Assertion: Oblique Price Charges (Discover NOT-OD-25-068). Behind that seemingly innocuous title lays potential devastation for medical colleges and universities receiving NIH grants to do biomedical analysis underneath the guise of “offering oblique value charges that comport with market charges.” First, right here’s the coverage:
For any new grant issued, and for all current grants to IHEs retroactive to the date of issuance of this Supplemental Steerage, award recipients are topic to a 15 p.c oblique value charge. This charge will enable grant recipients an inexpensive and reasonable restoration of oblique prices whereas serving to NIH be certain that grant funds are, to the utmost extent attainable, spent on furthering its mission. This coverage shall be utilized to all present grants for go ahead bills from February 10, 2025 ahead in addition to for all new grants issued. We is not going to be making use of this cover retroactively again to the preliminary date of issuance of present grants to IHEs, though we consider we’d have the authority to take action underneath 45 CFR 75.414(c).
Once more, bear with me a second. I’ll clarify what oblique prices are. Simply word that almost all universities have negotiated oblique value charges between round 40-70%; so that is a direct and unannounced lower. The rationale used? Whoever wrote this announcement pointed to oblique charges supplied by personal foundations that supply analysis grants, which max out at round 15% after which declare that they’re being beneficiant by “solely” reducing indirects to fifteen%. The NIH even posted this to X, the hellsite previously often known as Twitter, justifying its cuts:
With Elon Musk himself proclaiming:
So, are indirects the “ripoff” that Musk claims? I can inform proper there that “siphoning” off is a misunderstanding, whether or not intentional or disingenuous, meant to make it sound as if universities are taking as much as 60% off the highest for themselves. In actuality, indirects are along with the direct prices of the grant. You probably have an oblique charge of 60%, that implies that in case your college is awarded an NIH grant for $1M, the college really will get $1.6M. That implies that, of the overall grant, a 60% oblique value charge is admittedly solely 37.5%. (See Musk’s deception there?)
Principally, that is the justification within the announcement:
Certainly, one latest evaluation examined what stage of oblique bills analysis establishments have been prepared to just accept from funders of analysis. Of 72 universities within the pattern, 67 universities have been prepared to just accept analysis grants that had 0% oblique value protection. One college (Harvard College) required 15% oblique value protection, whereas a second (California Institute of Know-how) required 20% oblique value protection. Solely three universities within the pattern refused to just accept oblique value charges decrease than their federal oblique charge. These universities have been the Massachusetts Institute of Know-how, the College of Michigan, and the College of Alabama at Birmingham.
The USA ought to have one of the best medical analysis on the planet. It’s accordingly important to make sure that as many funds as attainable go in direction of direct scientific analysis prices slightly than administrative overhead. NIH is accordingly imposing a regular oblique value charge on all grants of 15% pursuant to its 45 C.F.R. 75.414(c) authority. We word in doing in order that this charge is 50% greater than the ten% de minimis oblique value charge supplied in 45 C.F.R. 75.414(f) for NIH grants. Now we have elected to impose a better customary oblique value charge to mirror, amongst different issues, each (1) the personal sector oblique value charges famous above, and (2) the de minimis value charge of 15% in 2 C.F.R. 200.414(f) used for IHEs and nonprofits receiving grants from different businesses.
That is subsequent stage ignorance. The explanation why most universities are prepared to just accept decrease oblique value charges is as a result of personal grants like those from foundations listed within the announcement (e.g., the Invoice & Melinda Gates Basis and the Rockefeller Basis) is as a result of most universities know that basis grants are sometimes stepping-stones for youthful investigators to acquiring bigger and extra prestigious grants, particularly from the NIH. Principally, universities don’t just like the decrease charges, however settle for them with the intention to assist nurture youthful investigators.
Many who advocate for reducing NIH’s oblique value charge have lengthy argued that universities are prepared to just accept decrease charges from philanthropic foundations. Immediately’s NIH discover, for instance, notes the Gates Basis limits oblique prices to 10%, whereas the Packard Basis units the ceiling at 15%. However such reasoning relies on “perverse logic,” Corey says, as a result of foundations use their funds to extend the productiveness of analysis infrastructure already paid for by the federal authorities. And universities say they’re usually prepared to just accept basis grants that carry low overhead charges as a result of these grants quantity to a comparatively small fraction of their funding. One other key motive that indirects appear to be decrease for basis grants is that basis grant mechanisms are typically extra versatile when it comes to what they permit investigators to finances for within the direct prices, that means that some of what’s coated by federal authorities indirects will be included within the direct prices finances for a basis grant.
Going again to 2017 once more:
College officers, nonetheless, say evaluating NIH and basis overhead charges is deceptive. Gates, for instance, is extra expansive than NIH in defining direct prices, that means some overhead funds are wrapped in with the grant. The Trump proposal “doesn’t mirror [the foundation’s] course of for figuring out direct or oblique prices,” a Gates spokesperson says. Universities word that they’re usually prepared to just accept basis grants that carry low- or zero-overhead charges as a result of these grants quantity to a comparatively small fraction of their funding—one thing they might not afford to do for main funders.
All the pieces outdated is new once more.
Earlier than I describe what oblique prices are and the way they’re calculated and awarded, I might be the primary to state that there has lengthy been a widespread recognition that indirects have gotten out of hand at some universities, with some having argued that they should be reined in, ideally to make extra {dollars} obtainable to distribute to extra researchers within the type of NIH grants, notably given how low the paylines have gotten (lower than 10 p.c of grant functions funded). There’s positively a coverage dialogue available there, however such a dialogue must embrace a sober, evidence-based consideration of the trade-offs concerned in shifting cash from indirects to extra grants that might take months, if not years, and be phased in regularly in order that universities and investigators would have time to adapt. As a substitute, what we acquired was a swiftly issued Friday night time announcement that’s inflicting huge confusion and consternation at each college and analysis institute that receives NIH grant funds. I by no means thought I’d see information stories like these about oblique prices, that are, once more, an esoteric subject that few folks exterior of universities, tutorial medical facilities, analysis institutes, and coverage wonks find out about, however right here we’re:
Let’s return to 2017, when the primary Trump administration tried to slash indirects:
The federal authorities has been including oblique value funds to analysis grants since 1947. Immediately, every college negotiates its personal overhead charge—together with one charge for services and one for administration—with the federal government each few years. Charges range broadly due to geography—prices are greater in city areas—and since analysis bills differ. Biomedical science, for instance, usually requires animal services, ethics overview boards, and dear gear that aren’t wanted for social science. The bottom charge for NIH grants averages about 52%—that means the company pays a faculty $52,000 to cowl overhead prices on a $100,000 analysis grant (making overhead prices about one-third of the grant whole). Universities often don’t obtain the complete 52%, nonetheless, partially as a result of some awards for coaching and conferences carry a decrease charge, and since sure bills comparable to graduate scholar tuition don’t qualify.
On the time, political opposition scuttled this proposal.
Once more, it isn’t unreasonable to argue that oblique value charges have gotten too excessive; what’s unreasonable is to assume that immediately slashing them with out warning, together with on current grants, gained’t trigger devastating hurt to universities.
Oblique prices (additionally referred to as F&A): What are they and why are they so excessive?
To this point, I’ve solely given the broadest and easiest description of what “oblique” prices are for NIH grants. It’s now essential to debate them in additional element.
Right here we have now to get into somewhat “inside baseball” discuss with respect to the NIH, a lot as I’ve accomplished earlier than when discussing, as an illustration, NIH examine sections and the way analysis grants are evaluated, ranked, and finally chosen (or rejected) for funding. NIH grants are divided into two components. The primary is direct prices, which embrace salaries, provides, and different bills related straight with doing the analysis proposed within the grants. The second half is what is named oblique prices, or, extra formally, Facilties and Administration (F&A). That is cash that’s supplied to the college receiving the grant, along with direct prices, to assist cowl prices concerned with the analysis, comparable to constructing upkeep, workplace area, help employees, grant administration, scientific trials administration, usually used gear, and the like. Whereas usually portrayed as a “slush fund” (and, sure, often some universities have abused F&A, in actuality they’re used as portrayed, as described right here:
And:
From the final time the Trump administration tried to slash F&A prices:
It’s, in fact, an inexpensive query to ask why universities aren’t paying for this stuff themselves. To a big extent, they’re. Ask any dean of a medical faculty, they usually’ll inform you that analysis is often money-loser, not a revenue heart, as a result of the infrastructure to do analysis that may compete to win NIH funding may be very costly.
As defined by Michael Nietzel, a former faculty president:
Oblique prices contain a myriad of essential overhead bills that universities tackle after they conduct analysis. They’re sometimes divided into two classes – “services” and “administration” — and embrace gadgets like upkeep of apparatus, facility upgrades, the operation of labs, depreciation, employment of help employees, accounting, analysis compliance, authorized bills, and the salaries of key directors in control of an establishment’s analysis enterprise.
Universities depend upon oblique value reimbursement to defray a good portion of those bills, and a lower of this magnitude will go away a lot of them scrambling to fill the massive finances holes that it nearly instantly creates.
Once more, nobody—and I imply nobody—is claiming that indirects/F&A are sacrosanct. A lot of folks have been arguing that they’ve gotten too excessive, and periodically there have been efforts to rein them in, for instance (once more) in 2017:
Many universities have lengthy complained that their negotiated charges don’t cowl true analysis prices. Congress and federal officers, for his or her half, have repeatedly tried to rein in overhead funds. Most notably, in 1994 officers capped the administration charge for universities at 26% after Congress grew to become involved that colleges have been misusing the cash. However for many years the share of grants from funding businesses dedicated to oblique prices has remained pretty regular.
President Barack Obama’s administration additionally floated setting an unspecified flat charge, which economists mentioned would improve effectivity and scale back paperwork.
This brings up an necessary level. F&A charges are negotiated individually, college by college. Furthermore, discover how DOGE and MUSK have focused universities which have negotiated the very highest F&A charges. For many universities, the speed is so much decrease. Charges are affected by location and bills that adjust by location (e.g., massive city areas versus rural areas), in addition to the sophistication of the infrastructure at every college. Much more curiously, it isn’t the NIH that negotiates these charges with universities, as defined right here:
F&A prices are decided by making use of your group’s negotiated F&A charge to your direct value base. Most academic, hospital, or non-profit organizations have negotiated their charges with different Federal (cognizant) businesses such because the Division of Well being and Human Companies or the Workplace of Naval Analysis. If you’re a for-profit group, the F&A prices are negotiated by the Division of Price Allocation (DCA), Division of Monetary Advisory Companies (DFAS) within the Workplace of Acquisition Administration and Coverage, NIH.
F&A value charges for schools, universities, nonprofits, hospitals, and state and native governments are established by the HHS Division of Price Allocation or the Division of Protection’s Workplace of Naval Analysis. As soon as a federally-funded charge is negotiated and established, it applies to all authorities funding businesses that help your grantee establishment.
NIH units F&A value charges solely when the grantee is a industrial group (e.g., small companies). In these circumstances, the Division of Monetary Advisory Companies in NIH’s Workplace of Acquisition Administration and Coverage will set the speed for the grantee group.
If a grantee establishment doesn’t have a negotiated charge on the time of its award and it doesn’t want to pursue negotiations to determine one, it may possibly elect to obtain a “de minimus” charge, which is 10 p.c of Modified Whole Direct Price (MTDC).
And:
NIH analysis funding helps each direct and F&A prices related to analysis. However non-research and analysis actions prices should keep separated since NIH applies the F&A value charge on the F&A prices related to analysis actions solely.
Moreover, services prices are restricted to the areas which might be used just for analysis. Separating direct and oblique prices helps be certain that the reimbursements issued on NIH grants solely help the conduct of analysis.
The American Affiliation of Medical Faculties supplies a helpful infographic:

All the above is why, as an illustration, the oblique value charge for a federal analysis grant to researchers at a college would be the identical, no matter whether or not the grant is funded by the NIH, Nationwide Science Basis, or, for instance, the Division of Protection. (Sure, the DoD funds medical analysis. I personally have had DoD grants prior to now, which makes me surprise how lengthy it is going to be earlier than DOGE realizes that indirects are paid by extra federal businesses than simply the NIH.) Additionally word that non-research grants (comparable to fellowship or coaching grants) don’t present F&A prices, and that there are a lot of limitations on what bills F&A can be utilized to cowl.
However why? Why did the federal government begin paying oblique prices related to NIH grants within the first place? Yale scientist Dick Aslin supplies the historic rationalization, even asking whether or not we’re paying an excessive amount of for biomedical analysis, explaining why the nation’s analysis effort is distributed amongst our universities, slightly than in analysis institutes arrange by the federal government, not only for biomedical analysis however for all scientific analysis supported by the federal government. You may be stunned that the inspiration got here from the Manhattan Undertaking:
That geographic dispersal of analysis services was a superb determination made by Vannevar Bush, the president of the Carnegie Establishment and later appointed by FDR to direct the Workplace of Scientific Analysis and Improvement throughout World Battle II. In 1945 Bush printed a report entitled “Science – The Infinite Frontier” during which he outlined an bold path ahead to make sure that the U.S. remained because the dominant science and expertise energy given what had simply transpired with the Manhattan Undertaking. A key function of Bush’s advice was that the Federal authorities ought to make investments closely in primary and utilized analysis by capitalizing on the infrastructure already current in our universities. That was clearly a hit; for instance, the Manhattan challenge leveraged the existence of cyclotrons on the College of Chicago and the College of Rochester to conduct analysis on plutonium – each its potential as a navy machine and its organic penalties for these uncovered to its radiation.
Bush realized that to construct devoted analysis institutes from scratch could be massively costly and {that a} more cost effective various could be to pay oblique prices to universities to leverage their already current (or simply expanded) infrastructure. This additionally allowed biomedical analysis to be geographically dispersed all through the nation to permit for simple entry to hundreds of sufferers with out transporting them to a single location. And to be clear, this college infrastructure is not only bricks and mortar. It is usually the presence of scholarly data in libraries, the experience of school unrelated to any given grant comparable to mathematicians and statisticians, computer systems and different shared gadgets of apparatus, and a extremely educated workforce of school, employees, and college students all of whom are already situated in the identical place. Different nations opted for a distinct mannequin, comparable to France with their CNRS labs and Germany with their Max Planck institutes, which aren’t straight affiliated with a college. But it surely took them a long time to catch as much as the Bush mannequin within the U.S.
So let’s be clear that oblique prices are usually not fluff. Furthermore, they’re negotiated with NIH (or the related Federal funding company comparable to NSF, NASA, Division of Protection, and so on) and, importantly, they’re audited regularly to guarantee that the federal government is just not being overcharged (e.g., because the mortgage on a constructing is paid off or utility charges go down). It also needs to be obvious that oblique prices differ by location – the price of buildings, utilities, and administrative salaries is just not the identical in Palo Alto as in Iowa Metropolis.
Once more, to not sound like a damaged document (if folks even bear in mind what a damaged document feels like anymore), it is a very difficult situation and the present system has developed over many a long time going again to the Forties. There are sound and comprehensible historic the explanation why the federal government determined to fund science utilizing a mannequin during which it paid investigators at universities throughout the nation to do the analysis, together with oblique prices that the schools themselves required to supply the mandatory infrastructure and staffing to do the analysis and administer the grants. And the system has been wildly profitable, the claims of a few of DOGE’s followers however. There’s a motive why US biomedical analysis is the envy of the world.
Not that this administration appears to care. In spite of everything, to deal with the tradeoffs that might come from making an attempt to chop F&A value charges with the intention to shift cash to the direct prices of extra new grants requires an precise understanding of the system, data of what F&A prices cowl, and a examine of potential downstream results of the varied options which have been proposed over time. There isn’t any proof that I can discover that both Elon Musk, DOGE, or anybody within the Trump administration has utilized something resembling by means of to this finances lower.
Give it some thought. It will be one factor if DOGE had utilized this new F&A charge solely to new grants awarded after February 10. That will have been tough sufficient to take care of, however at the least there could be a while for universities to adapt provided that the brand new charge would solely be utilized to grants that their investigators they usually haven’t acquired but. That’s not what occurred. DOGE utilized this lower instantly to current grants as nicely, beginning, nicely, at the moment. That constitutes a direct massive finances lower to universities that do NIH-funded analysis, a direct shortfall that few universities will be capable to cowl. (I do know my college, which is a public college in an city setting and that doesn’t have a big endowment, can’t.) Even these with a big endowment may not be capable to shift sufficient of the endowment over to masking bills usually coated by F&A prices connected to their NIH grant portfolio, and there are a variety of the explanation why their administrations may not need to.
Doubtless outcomes embrace:
That time about administrative prices being so excessive due to the forms concerned in submitting and administering NIH grants hits residence. Coping with regulatory points, the paperwork concerned in submitting grant functions after which yearly stories, in addition to all of the regulatory points round animal services, scientific trials, and the like are very time-consuming and costly. A few of that might be tough to chop—for instance, who needs to stint on security laws for scientific trials and IRBs?—however plenty of it could possibly be streamlined. As for gloating over good folks, comparable to technicians, help employees, secretaries, and the like dropping their jobs because of this, which will occur, proper on cue, talking of gloating, Dr. Vinay Prasad enters the image:
I do love Dr. Prasad’s civility, don’t you?
As soon as once more, I can’t assist however surprise how a lot of Dr. Prasad’s hostility in direction of the NIH is because of his by no means having been funded by the NIH. Severely, search NIH rePORTER for his identify. He’s by no means been the principal investigator of an NIH grant. I, then again, have. I additionally brazenly admit that my failure to resume the grant was most likely extra my fault than any fault of the NIH. It’s simply the identical approach that Dr. Prasad, as somebody who’s by no means gained NIH funding, likes to demand “RCTs” on all the pieces, despite the fact that, so far as I can inform, he’s by no means designed or carried out an RCT on something and even actually thought of what the varied RCTs of all the pieces that he blithely requires would really entail, a lot much less if they’d be moral. (Trace: He doesn’t care; he proposes them whether or not they could be moral or not, comparable to his “cluster RCTs” of the childhood vaccine schedule.)
Discover how Dr. Prasad has gone all-in on what the actual motivation behind these cuts are: an assault on “DEI.” Certainly, he’s been rewarded, too:
Wow! Quoted in an e-mail press launch from the White Home! Thirsty as he’s been for a place within the Trump administration, possibly Dr. Prasad has lastly gotten the eye of somebody who would possibly give him what he clearly needs so very, very badly. As for his “protection” of this motion, technically what he’s saying is true, specifically that the general NIH finances hasn’t been lower, it’s a misleading spin. Slicing indirects proper now, with only a promise to maneuver the cash to funding new grants, will certainly be a large finances lower now. Certainly, Dick Aslin, wag that he’s, listed all of the NIH Funding from the highest ten states that voted for Donald Trump in 2024 and located that they’ve a mixed whole of $12.287 billion in NIH awards producing an financial impression of $31.7 billion:
This determine contains each direct and oblique prices, however an inexpensive estimate of the lower in funding if the 15% charge is upheld is $1.5 Billion. Most of the public universities shall be compelled to terminate analysis grants as a result of they can’t, particularly within the quick run, steadiness their finances by shortly elevating state taxes by $1.5 billion. So the ripple impact is not going to solely be layoffs of employees, lowering the greater than 150,000 staff supported by these grants, but in addition how these staff spend their salaries to help the native economic system – a big drop from $31.7 Billion – and the loss in tax income from these salaries on the state and federal ranges.
Let’s simply put it this manner. Not solely would this instant huge lower hobble biomedical analysis used to enhance science-based drugs, however the financial impression shall be probably devastating. This isn’t the way you clear up an issue in a way designed to strengthen the system and unfold the pot of analysis cash round to extra investigators. It’s the way you hobble the system for a era, probably even destroying it. Is it political to say that? Sure, however once more, as I’ve argued many occasions, this weblog has by no means been apolitical. Certainly, we’ve gone after liberals and Democrats so much prior to now; e.g., Sen. Tom Harkin, who within the Nineties foisted the scientific abomination that’s the Nationwide Middle for Complementary and Integrative Well being on the NIH. I’d even say that if Trump wished to eliminate NCCIH, I’d be completely behind him on simply this one situation. He gained’t, although, given how a lot “wellness” grift has turn out to be a favourite amongst his supporters. Furthermore, by no means earlier than since I began being attentive to these points has both celebration gone so far as Trump has gone. Severely, again once I first began writing about RFK Jr. and the antivax motion was generally seen as extra a left wing slightly than a proper wing phenomenon, by no means in 1,000,000 years would I’ve envisioned him being nominated for HHS Secretary, a lot much less being on the cusp of affirmation this week. (He shall be confirmed by the best way. That’s my prediction.)
Now let’s take a look at some reactions to this announcement.
Contrarians rejoice, spreading misinformation
Naturally, as I anticipated the second I first learn the NIH announcement, Dr. Vinay Prasad posted to his Substack an article defending the motion. Like his assaults on NIH peer overview and his requires a “modified lottery” to distribute grants, it’s instantly clear that he hasn’t thought very deeply about this and is all concerning the rhetoric, not the coverage, in NIH diminished indirects from 60+% to fifteen%: 10 issues you need to know. Let’s simply say that these ten issues vary misleading spins on the announcement to half truths to outright nonsense, for instance #1:
The NIH is now consistent with many philanthropic associations that cap indirects at 10-15%. See under. That is broadly thought of acceptable by universities.
I already handled that one above. The way in which the the charges are computed and negotiated are usually not comparable.
Subsequent up:
This may dramatically change tutorial incentives. Many universities have an unstated rule that you just can’t turn out to be affiliate or full professor with out NIH funding. They declare that this rule exists as a result of NIH funding means your work has handed the very best hurdle— acceptance by friends—however that was all the time a nasty argument. In case you publish papers, you could have acceptance by friends. As a substitute, admin made this rule as a result of it enriches them.
Humorous, however Dr. Prasad grew to become a full professor at UCSF with out NIH funding. In equity, he’s not completely unsuitable that it’s tough to turn out to be a full professor at a medical faculty with out NIH funding, however clearly Dr. Prasad managed it with simply basis funding—and funding from primarily only one basis at that!
Subsequent up, I cringed:
The college has turn out to be a bloated forms. Redundant admin, and extreme administrative hurdles to do analysis. As a result of cash is fungible, this exists due to indirects. This may pressure universities to fireside many unessential personnel. We have to make much less paperwork to open trials. This would possibly even enhance analysis, as we attempt for effectivity.
Dr. Prasad wouldn’t know “unessential personnel” in the event that they bit him on the posterior. His is the form of analysis that doesn’t actually require a lot in the best way of regulatory approval, provided that what he does is usually critiquing current literature and scientific trials. He actually seems to have little clue how a lot work it’s to manage scientific trials. Furthermore, it’s unimaginable to “make much less paperwork to open trials” with out modifications in regulation from Washington, DC. The explanation that it takes a lot paperwork to open a scientific trial is primarily as a result of these pesky human topics safety laws and animal welfare laws, in addition to well being and security laws for laboratories.
Subsequent up, much more cringe:
Oblique prices are taxpayer cash that vanishes. The NIH states, “Oblique prices are, by their very nature, “not readily assignable to the fee aims particularly benefitted” and are due to this fact tough for NIH to supervise.” We don’t know what they cash is spent on, however, as a result of cash is fungible, certainly a few of it’s spent on issues that Americas disagree with: obligatory DEI coaching lessons and modules and different packages of this nature. A few of it’s spent on alcohol at social occasions, enterprise class worldwide journey, and lavish retreats. That’s the character of cash. How do you justify taxing the plumber to pay so that you can fly Enterprise class to Singapore?
There you could have it, the battle on “woke” and “DEI.” As for alcohol at social gatherings? Geez, we will’t even spend on alcohol recruiting candidates at dinner; our college has strict guidelines about that, and I wager that UCSF does too. As for enterprise class journey, severely? Journey to current at conferences is included as a part of direct prices of NIH grants. Severely, you may finances it into your grant to journey to current at conferences. I actually don’t know the place Dr. Prasad acquired this one from, though I do applaud him for not utilizing an instance of touring enterprise class to China, the higher to dogwhistle.
I imply, he principally repeats the identical factor in a later bullet level (#7) claiming inefficiency in the usage of F&A prices,, “joking” that the “NIH is spending 47 billion {dollars} for five grains of rice, and 2000 DEI coaching seminars.” (That’s a joke, however you get my level).” Actually, Dr. Prasad is popping right into a one trick pony.
Right here it will get attention-grabbing:
At first, I believed that the NIH ought to have made this modification extra slowly. Turned the indirects down yr by yr, however with somewhat extra reflection, I feel the shock and awe strategy has some advantage. It’s going to scare universities to instantly work to decrease their administrative prices. In the event that they turned it down slowly, modifications could not happen.
Dr. Prasad ought to have caught along with his first intuition. Shock and awe will seemingly do nothing greater than trigger plenty of good folks to lose their jobs proper now. Chaos and disruption are usually not recipe for enhancing our nation’s biomedical analysis, the higher to enhance science-based drugs with simpler therapies and higher understanding of illness mechanisms. When you wreck one thing, it’s actually tough to rebuild it in any respect, a lot much less to rebuild it in a greater kind. On a associated word, in #8 he means that 15% is merely a “place to begin for debate” that could possibly be “negotiated to 25% or one thing rather less instantly painful,” whereas blithely dismissing all of the ache it’s going to trigger with a jaunty, “generally it’s important to open with a powerful gambit.” I’m positive all of the individuals who stand to lose their jobs if this stands will admire that.
Subsequent up, extra misunderstanding:
Universities by no means took their NIH indirects and tried to make analysis reproducible. If universities, actually cared about veritas, they might have used a few of these funds to advance reproducibility— ensuring printed experiments are capable of be replicated. If an experiment can’t be replicated, you didn’t study something true or enduring concerning the universe. Universities haven’t made substantive efforts to sort out this downside— which suggests, they largely don’t care about veritas. They’re pleased with the established order. That’s why I mentioned this:

Dr. Prasad positive is one indignant dude, isn’t he? I’m wondering why, provided that he’s acquired a comfortable tenured professorship at UCSF—and with out ever having to have obtained any NIH funding, too!—numerous publications, numerous cash coming in from monetized Substacks, an enormous megaphone to broadcast his contrarian message to numerous folks, and now the ear of the White Home. Why does he really feel so “persecuted”? Why does he have such anger and grievance? One additionally wonders: How reproducible is Dr. Prasad’s personal analysis? Inquiring minds need to know, they do, and Dr. Prasad by no means appears to indicate a lot concern about others reproducing his work, at the least not as a lot as he does about simply NIH-funded analysis typically.
Sarcasm apart, that is all ust one other nice-sounding however empty Prasad trope. How ought to universities take their indirects and make analysis reproducible? Keep in mind, that’s not the aim of indirects, which go to help infrastructure wanted for NIH analysis at a college. There was a widespread effort going again years and years to make analysis extra reproducible, however it doesn’t lend itself to simple soundbites of the type Dr. Prasad makes. Let’s simply put it this manner. It wouldn’t be a nasty thought for the NIH to dedicate extra funding than it at present does to efforts to make scientific analysis extra reproducible, however that’s not the operate and objective of indirects. Dr. Prasad is aware of that damned nicely, however he additionally seemingly is aware of that his viewers doesn’t understand it. Take from that commentary what you’ll.
After saying that lowering indirects would possibly make researchers extra accountable as a result of universities don’t need to self-discipline researchers who usher in numerous NIH grants (some extent which may or may not be true), Dr. Prasad continues:
Slicing indirects would possibly even imply extra science. Much less cash spent on the administration is more cash to present out to precise scientists. I’m shocked to see researchers crying about how a lot cash the college will get— it means extra grants will be given per cycle.
My response to this argument is easy: “Oh you candy summer time baby. You actually consider that the cash saved goes to go to extra analysis grants to extra scientists?” In fact, that’s my response to individuals who make that argument sincerely, to not pundits like Dr. Prasad. Certainly, one can take a look at plenty of this effort not a lot as an effort to make the NIH extra environment friendly by lowering “bloated” indirects as payback. As a result of Anthony Fauci, Frances Collins, and the NIH funded analysis on COVID-19 that the Trump administration didn’t like, now Trump needs to make them pay. As a result of universities are perceived by Trump and DOGE as hotbeds of “DEI,” they need to make universities pay. I’ll provide you with an instance:
So DOGE lower $168,000 budgeted to an exhibit within the NIH Museum about Anthony Fauci? That’s not even a rounding error within the NIH finances! It’s minuscule, however, boy, did they get again at Anthony Fauci by stopping the NIH from including an exhibit on his profession to the NIH Museum, despite the fact that Fauci headed NIAID for 4 a long time.
That’s the place Dr. Prasad is coming from, whether or not he really believes what he’s saying or not or whether or not he’s simply saying what he must say to attempt to rating an administration place. Personally I’m with Dick Aslin on one factor. If we’re really going to stay with this brain-dead one-size-fits-all hack-and-slash strategy to oblique prices, then it needs to be utilized to all federal grants, not simply NIH grants:
But when President Trump and his new NIH Director, Dr. Jay Bhattacharya, who has not but been confirmed, are decided to maintain the oblique charge at 15%, absolutely we’d be justified in asking that the identical charge be utilized to all authorities grants and contracts. This would come with contracts to for-profit firms like SpaceX. I’m not capable of finding (presumably proprietary) oblique value charges for protection contracts (though a Rand Corp. examine in 2000 confirmed they’re greater than charges for universities), however I used to be capable of finding one instance from a $404 million contract with Northrup-Grumman that spanned 7 years from 2019-2026. One of many variations between authorities grants (like these to non-profit universities) and contracts (like these to Northrup-Grumman) is that the salaries of the “key executives” who head up these contracts are included as a part of oblique prices. The Northrup-Grumman contract listed the wage of their government as $24 million. Even when that is unfold out over 7 years, I can assure you that no college researcher is being paid $3.4 million per yr by NIH. In reality, NIH has a wage cap of $221,900 per yr. I stay up for the DOGE workforce reporting again to Congress concerning the oblique value charge of SpaceX and the wage compensation Elon Musk is charging as a part of NASA oblique prices.
As do I, however I believe I’ll wait lengthy. I additionally word that this wage cap is one motive why it’s tough for universities to help clinician-scientists, who, because of their scientific exercise, are inclined to make greater than “pure” primary scientists. Any wage help for analysis that may’t be coated by an NIH grant because of the wage cap should be coated by the college or from scientific income. Some universities can handle that; many can’t.
In any case, I believe that I’ll wait lengthy for bootlickers like Dr. Prasad to be constant of their requires fiscal accountability and go after the place the actual cash is being spent on indirects. I notice there’s no approach that’s ever going to occur.
The assault on the NIH and science-based drugs continues
The underside line is that reducing indirects to fifteen% across-the-board is clearly not a well-thought-out coverage. There’s a coverage dialogue available on this subject, however that’s not what DOGE and its cheerleaders (like Dr. Prasad) are excited by. What they’re extra excited by is grievance, to punish universities and the NIH due to grievances, largely imagined. I worry what the fee shall be to biomedical analysis in the US and to science-based drugs typically because of these slash-and-burn techniques. It nearly makes me relieved that I’m most likely solely 5-8 years from retirement, however it additionally makes me unhappy for all of the laborious working help employees who will lose their jobs and all of the good and bold younger college students and investigators with whom I work together, whose profession prospects look a lot much less promising now. It makes me sadder for sufferers, who because of ideology, grievance, and a lack of expertise of the system essential to institute reforms that might really enhance it, are going to undergo because of this.
Once I first mentioned, “Say goodbye to the best engine of biomedical analysis ever created,” I nervous that my title may need been hyperbole. Now I worry that it wasn’t alarmist sufficient. Worse, RFK Jr. hasn’t even been confirmed but, nor has Dr. Bhattacharya, and who is aware of what additional “disruption” they’ll carry?